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The Battle of the Alamo (February 23 – March 6, 1836) was a pivotal event in the Texas Revolution. Following a 13-day siege, Mexican troops under President General Antonio López de Santa Anna reclaimed the Alamo Mission near San Antonio de Béxar (modern-day San Antonio, Texas, United States), killing most of the Texians and Tejanos inside. Santa Anna’s cruelty during the battle inspired many Texians and Tejanos to join the Texian Army. Buoyed by a desire for revenge, the Texians defeated the Mexican Army at the Battle of San Jacinto, on April 21, 1836, ending the rebellion in favor of the newly-formed Republic of Texas.

Several months previously, Texians had driven all Mexican troops out of Mexican Texas. About 100 Texians were then garrisoned at the Alamo. The Texian force grew slightly with the arrival of reinforcements led by eventual Alamo co-commanders James Bowie and William B. Travis. On February 23, approximately 1,500 Mexicans marched into San Antonio de Béxar as the first step in a campaign to retake Texas. For the next 10 days, the two armies engaged in several skirmishes with minimal casualties. Aware that his garrison could not withstand an attack by such a large force, Travis wrote multiple letters pleading for more men and supplies from Texas and from the United States, but the Texians were reinforced by fewer than 100 men because the United States had a treaty with Mexico, and supplying men and weapons would have been an overt act of war.

In the early morning hours of March 6, the Mexican Army advanced on the Alamo. After repelling two attacks, the Texians were unable to fend off a third attack. As Mexican soldiers scaled the walls, most of the Texian fighters withdrew into interior buildings. Occupiers unable to reach these points were slain by the Mexican cavalry as they attempted to escape. Between five and seven Texians may have surrendered; if so, they were quickly executed. Several noncombatants were sent to Gonzales to spread word of the Texian defeat. The news sparked both a strong rush to join the Texian army and a panic, known as «The Runaway Scrape», in which the Texian army, most settlers, and the new, self-proclaimed but officially unrecognized, Republic of Texas government fled eastward toward the United States ahead of the advancing Mexican Army.

Within Mexico, the battle has often been overshadowed by events from the Mexican–American War of 1846–1848. In 19th-century Texas, the Alamo complex gradually became known as a battle site rather than a former mission. The Texas Legislature purchased the land and buildings in the early part of the 20th century and designated the Alamo chapel as an official Texas State Shrine. The Alamo has been the subject of numerous non-fiction works beginning in 1843. Most Americans, however, are more familiar with the myths and legends spread by many of the movie and television adaptations,^[5] including the 1950s Disney mini-series Davy Crockett and John Wayne’s 1960 film The Alamo.

Background

In 1835, there was a drastic shift in the Mexican nation. The triumph of conservative forces in the elections unleashed a series of events that culminated on October 23, 1835, under a new constitution, after the repeal of the federalist Constitution of 1824. Las Siete Leyes (Spanish: [las ˈsjete ˈleʝes]), or Seven Laws were a series of constitutional changes that fundamentally altered the organizational structure of Mexico, ending the first federal period and creating a unitary republic, officially the Mexican Republic (Spanish: República Mexicana).^[6] Formalized under President Antonio López de Santa Anna on 15 December 1835, they were enacted in 1836. They were intended to centralize and strengthen the national government. The aim of the previous constitution was to create a political system that would emulate the success of the United States, but after a decade of political turmoil, economic stagnation, and threats and actual foreign invasion, conservatives concluded that a better path for Mexico was centralized power.

The new policies, and the increased enforcement of immigration laws and import tariffs, incited many immigrants to revolt.^[7] The border region of Mexican Texas was largely populated by immigrants from the United States, some legal but most illegal. These people were accustomed to a federalist government and to extensive individual rights including the right to own slaves, and they were quite vocal in their displeasure at Mexico’s law enforcement and shift towards centralism.^[8] Already suspicious after previous United States attempts to purchase Mexican Texas, Mexican authorities blamed much of the Texian unrest on United States immigrants, most of whom had entered illegally and made little effort to adapt to the Mexican culture and who continued to hold people in slavery when slavery had been abolished in Mexico.^[10]

In October, Texians engaged Mexican troops in the first official battle of the Texas Revolution.^[11] Determined to quell the rebellion of immigrants, Santa Anna began assembling a large force, the Army of Operations in Texas, to restore order. Most of his soldiers were raw recruits, and many had been forcibly conscripted.^[14]

The Texians systematically defeated the Mexican troops already stationed in Texas. The last group of Mexican soldiers in the region—commanded by Santa Anna’s brother-in-law, General Martín Perfecto de Cos—surrendered on December 9 following the siege of Béxar.^[11] By this point, the Texian Army was dominated by very recent arrivals to the region, primarily illegal immigrants from the United States. Many Texas settlers, unprepared for a long campaign, had returned home.^[15] Angered by what he perceived to be United States interference in Mexican affairs, Santa Anna spearheaded a resolution classifying foreign immigrants found fighting in Texas as pirates. The resolution effectively banned the taking of prisoners of war: in this period of time, captured pirates were executed immediately.^[15][16] Santa Anna reiterated this message in a strongly worded letter to United States President Andrew Jackson. This letter was not widely distributed, and it is unlikely that most of the United States recruits serving in the Texian Army were aware that there would be no prisoners of war.^[17]

When Mexican troops departed San Antonio de Béxar (now San Antonio, Texas, USA) Texian soldiers captured the Mexican garrison at the Alamo Mission, a former Spanish religious outpost which had been converted to a makeshift fort by the recently expelled Mexican Army. Described by Santa Anna as an «irregular fortification hardly worthy of the name», the Alamo had been designed to withstand an attack by native tribes, not an artillery-equipped army. The complex sprawled across 3 acres (1.2 ha), providing almost 1,320 feet (400 m) of perimeter to defend. An interior plaza was bordered on the east by the chapel and to the south by a one-story building known as the Low Barracks.^[21] A wooden palisade stretched between these two buildings.^[22] The two-story Long Barracks extended north from the chapel.^[21] At the northern corner of the east wall stood a cattle pen and horse corral. The walls surrounding the complex were at least 2.75 feet (0.84 m) thick and ranged from 9–12 ft (2.7–3.7 m) high.^{[24][Note 1]}

To compensate for the lack of firing ports, Texian engineer Green B. Jameson constructed catwalks to allow defenders to fire over the walls; this method, however, left the rifleman’s upper body exposed. Mexican forces had left behind 19 cannons, which Jameson installed along the walls. A large 18-pounder had arrived in Texas with the New Orleans Greys. Jameson positioned this cannon in the southwest corner of the compound. He boasted to Texian Army commander Sam Houston that the Texians could «whip 10 to 1 with our artillery».

Prelude to battle

The Texian garrison was woefully undermanned and underprovisioned, with fewer than 100 soldiers remaining by January 6, 1836.^[26] Colonel James C. Neill, the acting Alamo commander, wrote to the provisional government: «If there has ever been a dollar here I have no knowledge of it».^[26] Neill requested additional troops and supplies, stressing that the garrison was likely to be unable to withstand a siege lasting longer than four days.^[26][27] The Texian government was in turmoil and unable to provide much assistance.^{[28][Note 2]} Four different men claimed to have been given command over the entire army.^{[Note 3]} On January 14, Neill approached one of them, Sam Houston, for assistance in gathering supplies, clothing, and ammunition.^[28]

Houston could not spare the number of men necessary to mount a successful defense. Instead, he sent Colonel James Bowie with 30 men to remove the artillery from the Alamo and destroy the complex.^{[28][Note 4]} Bowie was unable to transport the artillery since the Alamo garrison lacked the necessary draft animals. Neill soon persuaded Bowie that the location held strategic importance.^[30] In a letter to Governor Henry Smith, Bowie argued that «the salvation of Texas depends in great measure on keeping Béxar out of the hands of the enemy. It serves as the frontier picquet guard, and if it were in the possession of Santa Anna, there is no stronghold from which to repel him in his march towards the Sabine.»^{[31][Note 5]} The letter to Smith ended, «Colonel Neill and myself have come to the solemn resolution that we will rather die in these ditches than give it up to the enemy.»^[31] Bowie also wrote to the provisional government, asking for «men, money, rifles, and cannon powder».^[31] Few reinforcements were authorized; cavalry officer William B. Travis arrived in Béxar with 30 men on February 3. Five days later, a small group of volunteers arrived, including the famous frontiersman and former U.S. Congressman David Crockett of Tennessee.

On February 11, Neill left the Alamo, determined to recruit additional reinforcements and gather supplies.^[33][34] He transferred command to Travis, the highest-ranking regular army officer in the garrison.^[31] Volunteers comprised much of the garrison, and they were unwilling to accept Travis as their leader.^{[Note 6]} The men instead elected Bowie, who had a reputation as a fierce fighter, as their commander. Bowie celebrated by getting very intoxicated and creating havoc in Béxar. To mitigate the resulting ill feelings, Bowie agreed to share command with Travis.^[34][35]

As the Texians struggled to find men and supplies, Santa Anna continued to gather men at San Luis Potosi; by the end of 1835, his army numbered 6,019 soldiers. Rather than advance along the coast, where supplies and reinforcements could be easily delivered by sea, Santa Anna ordered his army inland to Béxar, the political center of Texas and the site of Cos’s defeat. The army began its march north in late December. Officers used the long journey to train the men. Many of the new recruits did not know how to use the sights of their guns, and many refused to fire from the shoulder because of the strong recoil.^[38]

Progress was slow. There were not enough mules to transport all of the supplies, and many of the teamsters, all civilians, quit when their pay was delayed. The many soldaderas – women and children who followed the army – consumed much of the already scarce supplies. The soldiers were soon reduced to partial rations. On February 12 they crossed the Rio Grande.^{[40][Note 7]} Temperatures in Texas reached record lows, and by February 13 an estimated 15–16 inches (38–41 cm) of snow had fallen. Hypothermia, dysentery, and Comanche raiding parties took a heavy toll on the Mexican soldiers.

On February 21, Santa Anna and his vanguard reached the banks of the Medina River, 25 miles (40 km) from Béxar.^[42][43] Unaware of the Mexican Army’s proximity, the majority of the Alamo garrison joined Béxar residents at a fiesta.^{[44][Note 8]} After learning of the planned celebration, Santa Anna ordered General Joaquín Ramírez y Sesma to immediately seize the unprotected Alamo, but sudden rains halted that raid.^[43]

Siege

Investment

In the early hours of February 23, residents began fleeing Béxar, fearing the Mexican army’s imminent arrival. Although unconvinced by the reports, Travis stationed a soldier in the San Fernando church bell tower, the highest location in town, to watch for signs of an approaching force. Several hours later, Texian scouts reported seeing Mexican troops 1.5 miles (2.4 km) outside the town.^[44] Few arrangements had been made for a potential siege. One group of Texians scrambled to herd cattle into the Alamo, while others scrounged for food in the recently abandoned houses. Several members of the garrison who had been living in town brought their families with them when they reported to the Alamo. Among these were Almaron Dickinson, who brought his wife Susanna and their infant daughter Angelina; Bowie, who was accompanied by his deceased wife’s cousins, Gertrudis Navarro and Juana Navarro Alsbury, and Alsbury’s young son;^[46] and Gregorio Esparza, whose family climbed through the window of the Alamo chapel after the Mexican army arrived.^[47] Other members of the garrison failed to report for duty; most of the men working outside Béxar did not try to sneak past Mexican lines.^[48]

By late afternoon Béxar was occupied by about 1,500 Mexican soldiers.^[50] When the Mexican troops raised a blood-red flag signifying no quarter, Travis responded with a blast from the Alamo’s largest cannon.^[51] Believing that Travis had acted hastily, Bowie sent Jameson to meet with Santa Anna.^[49] Travis was angered that Bowie had acted unilaterally and sent his own representative, Captain Albert Martin. Both emissaries met with Colonel Juan Almonte and José Bartres. According to Almonte, the Texians asked for an honorable surrender but were informed that any surrender must be unconditional.^[49] On learning this, Bowie and Travis mutually agreed to fire the cannon again.^{[Note 9]}

Skirmishes

The first night of the siege was relatively quiet. Over the next few days, Mexican soldiers established artillery batteries, initially about 1,000 feet (300 m) from the south and east walls of the Alamo.^[54] A third battery was positioned southeast of the fort. Each night the batteries inched closer to the Alamo walls.^[55] During the first week of the siege more than 200 cannonballs landed in the Alamo plaza. At first, the Texians matched Mexican artillery fire, often reusing the Mexican cannonballs.^[57] On February 26 Travis ordered the artillery to conserve powder and shot.

Two notable events occurred on Wednesday, February 24. At some point that day, Bowie collapsed from illness,^[58] leaving Travis in sole command of the garrison.^[58] Late that afternoon, two Mexican scouts became the first fatalities of the siege.^{[59][Note 9]} The following morning, 200–300 Mexican soldiers crossed the San Antonio River and took cover in abandoned shacks near the Alamo walls.^[55][59][60] Several Texians ventured out to burn the huts^[60] while Texians within the Alamo provided cover fire.^[61][62] After a two-hour skirmish, the Mexican troops retreated to Béxar.^[55][62] Six Mexican soldiers were killed and four others were wounded.^[55] No Texians were injured.^[63]

A blue norther blew in on February 25, dropping the temperature to 39 °F (4 °C). Neither army was prepared for the cold temperatures.^[64] Texian attempts to gather firewood were thwarted by Mexican troops. On the evening of February 26 Colonel Juan Bringas engaged several Texians who were burning more huts.^[65] According to historian J.R. Edmondson, one Texian was killed. Four days later, Texians shot and killed Private First Class Secundino Alvarez, a soldier from one of two battalions that Santa Anna had stationed on two sides of the Alamo. By March 1, the number of Mexican casualties was nine dead and four wounded, while the Texian garrison had lost only one man.

Reinforcements

Santa Anna posted one company east of the Alamo, on the road to Gonzales.^[55][68] Almonte and 800 dragoons were stationed along the road to Goliad.^[69] Throughout the siege these towns had received multiple couriers, dispatched by Travis to plead for reinforcements and supplies.^[51][70] The most famous of his missives, written February 24, was addressed To the People of Texas & All Americans in the World. According to historian Mary Deborah Petite, the letter is «considered by many as one of the masterpieces of American patriotism.»^[71] Copies of the letter were distributed across Texas,^[72] and eventually reprinted throughout the United States and much of Europe.^[59] At the end of the first day of the siege, Santa Anna’s troops were reinforced by 600 men under General Joaquin Ramirez y Sesma, bringing the Mexican army up to more than 2,000 men.

As news of the siege spread throughout Texas, potential reinforcements gathered in Gonzales. They hoped to rendezvous with Colonel James Fannin, who was expected to arrive from Goliad with his garrison.^[73] On February 26, after days of indecision, Fannin ordered 320 men, four cannons, and several supply wagons to march towards the Alamo, 90 miles (140 km) away. This group traveled less than 1.0 mile (1.6 km) before turning back.^[75] Fannin blamed the retreat on his officers; the officers and enlisted men accused Fannin of aborting the mission.^[76]

Texians gathered in Gonzales were unaware of Fannin’s return to Goliad, and most continued to wait. Impatient with the delay, on February 27 Travis ordered Samuel G. Bastian to go to Gonzales «to hurry up reinforcements».^[77] According to historian Thomas Ricks Lindley, Bastian encountered the Gonzales Ranging Company led by Lieutenant George C. Kimble and Travis’ courier to Gonzales, Albert Martin, who had tired of waiting for Fannin. A Mexican patrol attacked, driving off four of the men including Bastian.^{[Note 10][78]} In the darkness, the Texians fired on the remaining 32 men, whom they assumed were Mexican soldiers. One man was wounded, and his English curses convinced the occupiers to open the gates.^{[Note 11]}

On March 3, the Texians watched from the walls as approximately 1,000 Mexicans marched into Béxar. The Mexican army celebrated loudly throughout the afternoon, both in honor of their reinforcements and at the news that troops under General José de Urrea had soundly defeated Texian Colonel Frank W. Johnson at the Battle of San Patricio on February 27.^[80] Most of the Texians in the Alamo believed that Sesma had been leading the Mexican forces during the siege, and they mistakenly attributed the celebration to the arrival of Santa Anna. The reinforcements brought the number of Mexican soldiers in Béxar to almost 3,100.

The arrival of the Mexican reinforcements prompted Travis to send three men, including Davy Crockett, to find Fannin’s force, which he still believed to be en route.^[82] The scouts discovered a large group of Texians camped 20 miles (32 km) from the Alamo.^[83] Lindley’s research indicates that up to 50 of these men had come from Goliad after Fannin’s aborted rescue mission. The others had left Gonzales several days earlier.^[84] Just before daylight on March 4, part of the Texian force broke through Mexican lines and entered the Alamo. Mexican soldiers drove a second group across the prairie.^{[83][Note 12]}

Assault preparations

On March 4, the day after his reinforcements arrived, Santa Anna proposed an assault on the Alamo. Many of his senior officers recommended that they wait for two 12-pounder cannons anticipated to arrive on March 7.^[85] That evening, a local woman, likely Bowie’s cousin-in-law Juana Navarro Alsbury, approached Santa Anna to negotiate a surrender for the Alamo occupiers. According to many historians, this visit probably increased Santa Anna’s impatience; as historian Timothy Todish noted, «there would have been little glory in a bloodless victory».^[87] The following morning, Santa Anna announced to his staff that the assault would take place early on March 6. Santa Anna arranged for troops from Béxar to be excused from the front lines so that they would not be forced to fight their own families.^[87]

Legend holds that at some point on March 5, Travis gathered his men and explained that an attack was imminent, and that they were greatly outnumbered by the Mexican Army. He supposedly drew a line in the ground and asked those willing to die for the Texian cause to cross and stand alongside him; only one man (Moses Rose) was said to have declined.^[88] Most scholars disregard this tale as there is no primary source evidence to support it (the story only surfaced decades after the battle in a third-hand account).^[89] Travis apparently did, at some point prior to the final assault, assemble the men for a conference to inform them of the dire situation and giving them the chance to either escape or stay and die for the cause. Susannah Dickinson recalled Travis announcing that any men who wished to escape should let it be known and step out of ranks.

The last Texian verified to have left the Alamo was James Allen, a courier who carried personal messages from Travis and several of the other men on March 5.

Final assault

Exterior fighting

At 10 p.m. on March 5, the Mexican artillery ceased their bombardment. As Santa Anna had anticipated, the exhausted Texians soon fell into the first uninterrupted sleep many of them had since the siege began.^[94] Just after midnight, more than 2,000 Mexican soldiers began preparing for the final assault. Fewer than 1,800 were divided into four columns, commanded by Cos, Colonel Francisco Duque, Colonel José María Romero and Colonel Juan Morales. Veterans were positioned on the outside of the columns to better control the new recruits and conscripts in the middle. As a precaution, 500 Mexican cavalry were positioned around the Alamo to prevent the escape of either Texian or Mexican soldiers. Santa Anna remained in camp with the 400 reserves.^[97] Despite the bitter cold, the soldiers were ordered not to wear overcoats which could impede their movements. Clouds concealed the moon and thus the movements of the soldiers.^[98]

At 5:30 a.m. troops silently advanced. Cos and his men approached the northwest corner of the Alamo, while Duque led his men from the northwest towards a repaired breach in the Alamo’s north wall. The column commanded by Romero marched towards the east wall, and Morales’s column aimed for the low parapet by the chapel.

The three Texian sentinels stationed outside the walls were killed in their sleep,^[101] allowing Mexican soldiers to approach undetected within musket range of the walls. At this point, the silence was broken by shouts of «¡Viva Santa Anna!» and music from the buglers. The noise woke the Texians.^[101] Most of the noncombatants gathered in the church sacristy for safety. Travis rushed to his post yelling, «Come on boys, the Mexicans are upon us and we’ll give them hell!» and, as he passed a group of Tejanos, «¡No rendirse, muchachos!» («Don’t surrender, boys»).^[94]

In the initial moments of the assault, Mexican troops were at a disadvantage. Their column formation allowed only the front rows of soldiers to fire safely.^[103] Unaware of the dangers, the untrained recruits in the ranks «blindly fir[ed] their guns», injuring or killing the troops in front of them.^[104] The tight concentration of troops also offered an excellent target for the Texian artillery.^[103] Lacking canister shot, Texians filled their cannon with any metal they could find, including door hinges, nails, and chopped-up horseshoes, essentially turning the cannon into giant shotguns. According to the diary of José Enrique de la Peña, «a single cannon volley did away with half the company of chasseurs from Toluca». Duque fell from his horse after suffering a wound in his thigh and was almost trampled by his own men. General Manuel Castrillón quickly assumed command of Duque’s column.

Although some in the front of the Mexican ranks wavered, soldiers in the rear pushed them on.^[103] As the troops massed against the walls, Texians were forced to lean over the walls to shoot, leaving them exposed to Mexican fire. Travis became one of the first occupiers to die, shot while firing his shotgun into the soldiers below him, though one source says that he drew his sword and stabbed a Mexican officer who had stormed the wall before succumbing to his injury.^[103] Few of the Mexican ladders reached the walls. The few soldiers who were able to climb the ladders were quickly killed or beaten back. As the Texians discharged their previously loaded rifles, they found it increasingly difficult to reload while attempting to keep Mexican soldiers from scaling the walls.

Mexican soldiers withdrew and regrouped, but their second attack was repulsed. Fifteen minutes into the battle, they attacked a third time.^[103] During the third strike, Romero’s column, aiming for the east wall, was exposed to cannon fire and shifted to the north, mingling with the second column. Cos’ column, under fire from Texians on the west wall, also veered north.^[107] When Santa Anna saw that the bulk of his army was massed against the north wall, he feared a rout; «panicked», he sent the reserves into the same area.^[108] The Mexican soldiers closest to the north wall realized that the makeshift wall contained many gaps and toeholds. One of the first to scale the 12-foot (3.7 m) wall was General Juan Amador; at his challenge, his men began swarming up the wall. Amador opened the postern in the north wall, allowing Mexican soldiers to pour into the complex. Others climbed through gun ports in the west wall, which had few occupiers. As the Texian occupiers abandoned the north wall and the northern end of the west wall, Texian gunners at the south end of the mission turned their cannon towards the north and fired into the advancing Mexican soldiers. This left the south end of the mission unprotected; within minutes Mexican soldiers had climbed the walls and killed the gunners, gaining control of the Alamo’s 18-pounder cannon.^[98] By this time Romero’s men had taken the east wall of the compound and were pouring in through the cattle pen.

Interior fighting

As previously planned, most of the Texians fell back to the barracks and the chapel. Holes had been carved in the walls to allow the Texians to fire.^[107] Unable to reach the barracks, Texians stationed along the west wall headed west for the San Antonio River. When the cavalry charged, the Texians took cover and began firing from a ditch. Sesma was forced to send reinforcements, and the Texians were eventually killed. Sesma reported that this skirmish involved 50 Texians, but Edmondson believes that number was inflated.

The occupiers in the cattle pen retreated into the horse corral. After discharging their weapons, the small band of Texians scrambled over the low wall, circled behind the church and raced on foot for the east prairie, which appeared empty.^[107] As the Mexican cavalry advanced on the group, Almaron Dickinson and his artillery crew turned a cannon around and fired into the cavalry, probably inflicting casualties. Nevertheless, all of the escaping Texians were killed.

The last Texian group to remain in the open were Crockett and his men, defending the low wall in front of the church. Unable to reload, they used their rifles as clubs and fought with knives. After a volley of fire and a wave of Mexican bayonets, the few remaining Texians in this group fell back towards the church. The Mexican army now controlled all of the outer walls and the interior of the Alamo compound except for the church and rooms along the east and west walls. Mexican soldiers turned their attention to a Texian flag waving from the roof of one building. Four Mexicans were killed before the flag of Mexico was raised in that location.^{[Note 13][113]}

For the next hour, the Mexican army worked to secure complete control of the Alamo.^[114] Many of the remaining occupiers were ensconced in the fortified barracks rooms. In the confusion, the Texians had neglected to spike their cannon before retreating. Mexican soldiers turned the cannon towards the barracks. As each door was blown off, Mexican soldiers would fire a volley of muskets into the dark room, then charge in for hand-to-hand combat.

Too sick to participate in the battle, Bowie likely died in bed. Eyewitnesses to the battle gave conflicting accounts of his death. Some witnesses maintained that they saw several Mexican soldiers enter Bowie’s room, bayonet him, and carry him alive from the room. Others claimed that Bowie shot himself or was killed by soldiers while too weak to lift his head.^[117] According to historian Wallace Chariton, the «most popular, and probably the most accurate»^[118] version is that Bowie died on his cot, «back braced against the wall, and using his pistols and his famous knife.»^[117]

The last of the Texians to die were the 11 men manning the two 12-pounder cannons in the chapel.^[113][119] A shot from the 18-pounder cannon destroyed the barricades at the front of the church, and Mexican soldiers entered the building after firing an initial musket volley. Dickinson’s crew fired their cannon from the apse into the Mexican soldiers at the door. With no time to reload, the Texians, including Dickinson, Gregorio Esparza and James Bonham, grabbed rifles and fired before being bayoneted to death. Texian Robert Evans, the master of ordnance, had been tasked with keeping the gunpowder from falling into Mexican hands. Wounded, he crawled towards the powder magazine but was killed by a musket ball with his torch only inches from the powder. Had he succeeded, the blast would have destroyed the church and killed the women and children hiding in the sacristy.^[121]

As soldiers approached the sacristy, one of the young sons of occupier Anthony Wolf stood to pull a blanket over his shoulders. In the dark, Mexican soldiers mistook him for an adult and killed him.^{[Note 14]} Possibly the last Texian to die in battle was Jacob Walker,^[123] who attempted to hide behind Susannah Dickinson and was bayoneted in front of the women.^[124] Another Texian, Brigido Guerrero, also sought refuge in the sacristy. Guerrero, who had deserted from the Mexican Army in December 1835, was spared after convincing the soldiers he was a Texian prisoner.

By 6:30 a.m. the battle for the Alamo was over.^[124] Mexican soldiers inspected each corpse, bayoneting any body that moved. Even with all of the Texians dead, Mexican soldiers continued to shoot, some killing each other in the confusion. Mexican generals were unable to stop the bloodlust and appealed to Santa Anna for help. Although the general showed himself, the violence continued and the buglers were finally ordered to sound a retreat. For 15 minutes after that, soldiers continued to fire into dead bodies.^[126]

Aftermath

Casualties

According to many accounts of the battle, between five and seven Texians surrendered.^{[Note 15][128]} Incensed that his orders had been ignored, Santa Anna demanded the immediate execution of the survivors. Weeks after the battle, stories circulated that Crockett was among those who surrendered.^[128] Ben, a former United States slave who cooked for one of Santa Anna’s officers, maintained that Crockett’s body was found surrounded by «no less than sixteen Mexican corpses».^[130] Historians disagree on which version of Crockett’s death is accurate.^{[Note 16][131]}

Santa Anna reportedly told Captain Fernando Urizza that the battle «was but a small affair».^[132] Another officer then remarked that «with another such victory as this, we’ll go to the devil».^{[Note 17][2]} In his initial report Santa Anna claimed that 600 Texians had been killed, with only 70 Mexican soldiers killed and 300 wounded. His secretary, Ramón Martínez Caro, later repudiated the report. Other estimates of the number of Mexican soldiers killed ranged from 60 to 200, with an additional 250–300 wounded.^[2] Most Alamo historians place the number of Mexican casualties at 400–600.^[2][4] This would represent about one-third of the Mexican soldiers involved in the final assault, which Todish remarks is «a tremendous casualty rate by any standards».^[2] Most eyewitnesses counted between 182 and 257 Texians killed.^[135] Some historians believe that at least one Texian, Henry Warnell, successfully escaped from the battle. Warnell died several months later of wounds incurred either during the final battle or during his escape as a courier.

Mexican soldiers were buried in the local cemetery, Campo Santo.^{[Note 18]} Shortly after the battle, Colonel José Juan Sanchez Navarro proposed that a monument should be erected to the fallen Mexican soldiers. Cos rejected the idea.^[138]

The Texian bodies were stacked and burned.^{[Note 19]} The only exception was the body of Gregorio Esparza. His brother Francisco, an officer in Santa Anna’s army, received permission to give Gregorio a proper burial. The ashes were left where they fell until February 1837, when Juan Seguín returned to Béxar to examine the remains. A simple coffin inscribed with the names Travis, Crockett, and Bowie was filled with ashes from the funeral pyres.^[139] According to a March 28, 1837, article in the Telegraph and Texas Register,^[140] Seguín buried the coffin under a peach tree grove. The spot was not marked and cannot now be identified.^[141] Seguín later claimed that he had placed the coffin in front of the altar at the San Fernando Cathedral. In July 1936 a coffin was discovered buried in that location, but according to historian Wallace Chariton, it is unlikely to actually contain the remains of the Alamo defenders. Fragments of uniforms were found in the coffin and the Texian soldiers who fought at the Alamo were known not to wear uniforms.^[140]

Texian survivors

In an attempt to convince other slaves in Texas to support the Mexican government over the Texian rebellion, Santa Anna spared Travis’ slave, Joe.^[142] The day after the battle, he interviewed each noncombatant individually. Impressed with Susanna Dickinson, Santa Anna offered to adopt her infant daughter Angelina and have the child educated in Mexico City. Dickinson refused the offer, which was not extended to Juana Navarro Alsbury although her son was of similar age.^[2] Each woman was given a blanket and two silver pesos.^[143] Alsbury and the other Tejano women were allowed to return to their homes in Béxar; Dickinson, her daughter and Joe were sent to Gonzales, escorted by Ben. They were encouraged to relate the events of the battle, and to inform the remainder of the Texian forces that Santa Anna’s army was unbeatable.^[2]

Impact on revolution

During the siege, newly elected delegates from across Texas met at the Convention of 1836. On March 2, the delegates declared independence, forming the Republic of Texas. Four days later, the delegates at the convention received a dispatch Travis had written March 3 warning of his dire situation. Unaware that the Alamo had fallen, Robert Potter called for the convention to adjourn and march immediately to relieve the Alamo. Sam Houston convinced the delegates to remain in Washington-on-the-Brazos to develop a constitution. After being appointed sole commander of all Texian troops, Houston journeyed to Gonzales to take command of the 400 volunteers who were still waiting for Fannin to lead them to the Alamo.

Within hours of Houston’s arrival on March 11, Andres Barcenas and Anselmo Bergaras arrived with news that the Alamo had fallen and all Texians were slain.^[145] Hoping to halt a panic, Houston arrested the men as enemy spies. They were released hours later when Susannah Dickinson and Joe reached Gonzales and confirmed the report. Realizing that the Mexican army would soon advance towards the Texian settlements, Houston advised all civilians in the area to evacuate and ordered his new army to retreat.^[147] This sparked a mass exodus, known as the Runaway Scrape, and most Texians, including members of the new government, fled east.^[148]

Despite their losses at the Alamo, the Mexican army in Texas still outnumbered the Texian army by almost six to one.^[149] Santa Anna assumed that knowledge of the disparity in troop numbers and the fate of the Texian soldiers at the Alamo would quell the resistance, and that Texian soldiers would quickly leave the territory. News of the Alamo’s fall had the opposite effect, and men flocked to join Houston’s army. The New York Post editorialized that «had [Santa Anna] treated the vanquished with moderation and generosity, it would have been difficult if not impossible to awaken that general sympathy for the people of Texas which now impels so many adventurous and ardent spirits to throng to the aid of their brethren».^[152]

On the afternoon of April 21 the Texian army attacked Santa Anna’s camp near Lynchburg Ferry. The Mexican army was taken by surprise, and the Battle of San Jacinto was essentially over after 18 minutes. During the fighting, many of the Texian soldiers repeatedly cried «Remember the Alamo!» as they slaughtered fleeing Mexican troops.^[153] Santa Anna was captured the following day, and reportedly told Houston: «That man may consider himself born to no common destiny who has conquered the Napoleon of the West. And now it remains for him to be generous to the vanquished.» Houston replied, «You should have remembered that at the Alamo». Santa Anna’s life was spared, and he was forced to order his troops out of Texas, ending Mexican control of the province and bestowing some legitimacy on the new republic.^[154]

Legacy

Following the battle, Santa Anna was alternately viewed as a national hero or a pariah. Mexican perceptions of the battle often mirrored the prevailing viewpoint. Santa Anna had been disgraced following his capture at the Battle of San Jacinto, and many Mexican accounts of the battle were written by men who had been, or had become, his outspoken critics. Petite and many other historians believe that some of the stories, such as the execution of Crockett, may have been invented to further discredit Santa Anna.^[131] In Mexican history, the Texas campaign, including the Battle of the Alamo, was soon overshadowed by the Mexican–American War of 1846–1848.

In San Antonio de Béxar, the largely Tejano population viewed the Alamo complex as more than just a battle site; it represented decades of assistance—as a mission, a hospital, or a military post. As the English-speaking population increased, the complex became best known for the battle. Focus has centered primarily on the Texian occupiers, with little emphasis given to the role of the Tejano soldiers who served in the Texian army or the actions of the Mexican army. In the early 20th century the Texas Legislature purchased the property and appointed the Daughters of the Republic of Texas as permanent caretakers^[158] of what is now an official state shrine. In front of the church, in the center of Alamo Plaza, stands a cenotaph, designed by Pompeo Coppini, which commemorates the Texians and Tejanos who died during the battle. According to Bill Groneman’s Battlefields of Texas, the Alamo has become «the most popular tourist site in Texas».

The first English-language histories of the battle were written and published by Texas Ranger and amateur historian John Henry Brown.^[161] The next major treatment of the battle was Reuben Potter’s The Fall of the Alamo, published in The Magazine of American History in 1878. Potter based his work on interviews with many of the Mexican survivors of the battle.^[161][162] The first full-length, non-fiction book covering the battle, John Myers Myers’ The Alamo, was published in 1948. In the decades since, the battle has featured prominently in many non-fiction works.

According to Todish et al., «there can be little doubt that most Americans have probably formed many of their opinions on what occurred at the Alamo not from books, but from the various movies made about the battle.»^[164] The first film version of the battle appeared in 1911, when Gaston Méliès directed The Immortal Alamo.^[5] The battle became more widely known after it was featured in the 1950s Disney miniseries Davy Crockett, which was largely based on myth.^[5] Within several years, John Wayne directed and starred in one of the best-known, but questionably accurate, film versions, 1960’s The Alamo.^{[165][Note 20]} Another film also called The Alamo was released in 2004. CNN described it as possibly «the most character-driven of all the movies made on the subject». It is also considered more faithful to the actual events than other movies.

Several songwriters have been inspired by the Battle of the Alamo. Tennessee Ernie Ford’s «The Ballad of Davy Crockett» spent 16 weeks on the country music charts, peaking at No. 4 in 1955.^[167] Marty Robbins recorded a version of the song «The Ballad of the Alamo» in 1960 which spent 13 weeks on the pop charts, peaking at No. 34.^[168] Jane Bowers’ song «Remember the Alamo» has been recorded by artists including Johnny Cash, Willie Nelson, and Donovan. British hard rock band Babe Ruth’s 1972 song «The Mexican» pictures the conflict through the eyes of a Mexican soldier. Singer-songwriter Phil Collins collected hundreds of items related to the battle, narrated a light and sound show about the Alamo, and has spoken at related events. In 2014 Collins donated his entire collection to the Alamo via the State of Texas.

The U.S. Postal Service issued two postage stamps in commemoration of Texas Statehood^[175] and the Battle of Alamo.^[176] The «Remember the Alamo» battle cry, as well as the Alamo Mission itself appear on the current version of the reverse side of the seal of Texas.

The battle also featured in episode 13 of The Time Tunnel, «The Alamo», first aired in 1966, and episode 5 of season one of the TV series Timeless, aired 2016.

See also

• Last stand
• List of last stands
• List of Alamo defenders
• List of Texan survivors of the Battle of the Alamo
• List of Texas Revolution battles

Notes

References

Bibliography

• Barr, Alwyn (1990). Texans in Revolt: the Battle for San Antonio, 1835. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-77042-3. OCLC 20354408.
• Barr, Alwyn (1996). Black Texans: A history of African Americans in Texas, 1528–1995 (2nd ed.). Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 978-0-8061-2878-8.
• Chariton, Wallace O. (1990). Exploring the Alamo Legends. Dallas, TX: Republic of Texas Press. ISBN 978-1-55622-255-9.
• Chemerka, William H.; Wiener, Allen J. (2009). Music of the Alamo. Bright Sky Press. ISBN 978-1-933979-31-1.
• Cobler, Nicole (March 11, 2015). «Phil Collins’ star rises over the Alamo». San Antonio Express-News. Retrieved March 26, 2018.
• Cox, Mike (March 6, 1998). «Last of the Alamo big books rests with ‘A Time to Stand’«. The Austin-American Statesman.
• Culpepper, Andy (April 8, 2004). «A different take on ‘The Alamo’«. CNN. Retrieved May 22, 2008.
• Edmondson, J.R. (2000). The Alamo Story-From History to Current Conflicts. Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press. ISBN 978-1-55622-678-6.
• Edwards, Leigh H. (2009). Johnny Cash and the paradox of American identity. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-35292-7.
• Groneman, Bill (1990). Alamo Defenders, A Genealogy: The People and Their Words. Austin, TX: Eakin Press. ISBN 978-0-89015-757-2.
• Groneman, Bill (1996). Eyewitness to the Alamo. Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press. ISBN 978-1-55622-502-4.
• Groneman, Bill (1998). Battlefields of Texas. Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press. ISBN 978-1-55622-571-0.
• Hardin, Stephen L. (1994). Texian Iliad. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-73086-1.
• Hardin, Stephen L. (June 9, 2010). «Battle of The Alamo». Handbook of Texas Online. Texas State Historical Association. Retrieved December 11, 2014.
• Henson, Margaret Swett (1982). Juan Davis Bradburn: A Reappraisal of the Mexican Commander of Anahuac. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 978-0-89096-135-3.
• Hopewell, Clifford (1994). James Bowie Texas Fighting Man: A Biography. Austin, TX: Eakin Press. ISBN 978-0-89015-881-4.
• Lindley, Thomas Ricks (2003). Alamo Traces: New Evidence and New Conclusions. Lanham, MD: Republic of Texas Press. ISBN 978-1-55622-983-1.
• Lord, Walter (1961). A Time to Stand. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-7902-5.
• Michels, Patrick (May 11, 2010). «Remembering the Alamo with Phil Collins». Dallas Observer. Retrieved December 22, 2017.
• Myers, John Myers (1948). The Alamo. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-5779-5.
• Nofi, Albert A. (1992). The Alamo and the Texas War of Independence, September 30, 1835 to April 21, 1836: Heroes, Myths, and History. Conshohocken, PA: Combined Books, Inc. ISBN 978-0-938289-10-4.
• Petite, Mary Deborah (1999). 1836 Facts about the Alamo and the Texas War for Independence. Mason City, IA: Savas Publishing Company. ISBN 978-1-882810-35-2.
• Schoelwer, Susan Prendergast; Gläser, Tom W. (1985). Alamo Images: Changing Perceptions of a Texas Experience. Dallas, TX: The DeGlolyer Library and Southern Methodist University Press. ISBN 978-0-87074-213-2.
• Scott, Robert (2000). After the Alamo. Plano, TX: Republic of Texas Press. ISBN 978-1-55622-691-5.
• Tinkle, Lon (1985) [1958]. 13 Days to Glory: The Siege of the Alamo (Reprint: McGraw-Hill ed.). College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 978-0-89096-238-1.
• Thompson, Frank (2001). The Alamo: A Cultural History. Dallas, TX: Taylor Trade. ISBN 9781461734352.
• Todish, Timothy J.; Todish, Terry; Spring, Ted (1998). Alamo Sourcebook, 1836: A Comprehensive Guide to the Battle of the Alamo and the Texas Revolution. Austin, TX: Eakin Press. ISBN 978-1-57168-152-2.
• N/A (July 21, 2014). «Phil Collins Press Conference». The Official Alamo Website. Archived from the original on September 28, 2014. Retrieved September 22, 2014.

Further reading

• Burrough, Bryan; Tomlinson, Chris; Stanford, Jason (2021). Forget the Alamo: The Rise and Fall of an American Myth. Penguin Press. ISBN 9781984880093.
• Crisp, James E. (2005). Sleuthing the Alamo. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-195-16349-0.
• Davis, William C. (1998). Three Roads to the Alamo: The Lives and Fortunes of David Crockett, James Bowie, and William Barret Travis. HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-060-17334-0.
• Dole, Gerard (2011). Texas 1836 – Musical Echoes from the Alamo (paperback). Paris: Terre de Brume. ISBN 978-2-843-62474-2.
• Donovan, James (2012). The Blood of Heroes: The 13-Day Struggle for the Alamo – and the Sacrifice That Forged a Nation. Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 978-0-316-05374-7.
• Fehrenbach, T.R. (June 1967). «Remember the Alamo!». In Campbell, John W. (ed.). Analog One (paperback). ISBN 978-0-586-02256-6. Sci-Fi story about a time traveller who goes back to the Alamo at the time of the battle – and gets trapped in the past.
• Hardin, Stephen L. (2001). The Alamo 1836: Santa Anna’s Texas Campaign. Osprey Campaign Series #89. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-841-76090-2.
• Manchaca, Martha (2001). Recovering History, Constructing Race: The Indian, Black, and White Roots of Mexican Americans. The Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long Series in Latin American and Latino Art and Culture. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-75253-5.
• Green, Michael R. (April 1988). «To the People of Texas & All Americans in the World». The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 91 (4): 483–508. JSTOR 30240052.
• Winders, Richard Bruce (April 2017). ««This Is A Cruel Truth, But I Cannot Omit It»: The Origin and Effect of Mexico’s No Quarter Policy in the Texas Revolution». Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 120 (4): 412–439. doi:10.1353/swh.2017.0000. ISSN 1558-9560. S2CID 151940992.

External links

• Official website for the Alamo
• Documentary excerpt

The Battle of the Alamo was a nineteenth century battle between the Republic of Mexico and the rebel Texan forces during the latter’s fight for independence — the Texas Revolution. It took place at the Alamo mission in San Antonio, Texas (then known as «San Antonio de Béxar») in February and March of 1836. The 13-day siege ended on March 6 with the capture of the mission and the death of nearly all the Texan defenders, except for a few slaves, women and children. Despite the loss, the 13-day holdout stalled Mexican forces’ progress and allowed Sam Houston to gather troops and supplies for his later successful battle at San Jacinto. Approximately 189 defenders were attacked by about 4,000 Mexican soldiers.

The battle took place at a turning point in the Texas Revolution, which had begun with the October 1835 Consultation whose delegates narrowly approved a call for rights under the Mexican Constitution of 1824. By the time of the battle, however, sympathy for declaring a Republic of Texas had grown. The delegates from the Alamo to the Constitutional Convention were both instructed to vote for independence. The deaths of such popular figures as Davy Crockett and Jim Bowie at the Alamo contributed to how the siege has subsequently been regarded as an heroic and iconic moment in Texan and U.S. history, notwithstanding that the Alamo fell. Texas’ independence and its eventual union with the U.S. would have been unlikely had Mexico succeeeded in its plan to reassert sovereignty over the territory, which later would contribute enormously to the U.S. economy.

Prelude

Texas was part of the Mexican colony of New Spain. After the Mexican independence in 1821, Texas became part of Mexico. In 1824 it became the northern section of Coahuila y Tejas. January 3, 1823, Stephen F. Austin began a colony of 300 American families along the Brazos River in present-day Fort Bend County and Brazoria County, primarily in the area of what is now Sugar Land.

In 1835 the Mexican President and General Antonio López de Santa Anna Pérez de Lebrón, (known as Santa Anna) abolished the Constitution of 1824 and proclaimed a new constitution that increased the power of the Presidency and reduced the power of provincial governments. Since the end of hostilities with Spain ten years before, the Mexican government generally and Santa Anna in particular, had been eager to reassert control over entire country and control of Texas. This was seen as important as Santa Anna perceived the province to be vulnerable to America’s westward expansion, which was in fact the case.

Mexico’s new interest in Texas was not popular with the colonists, who felt themselves to be more economically and culturally linked to the United States than to Mexico. They were also used to the relative autonomy they enjoyed under the old Constitution of 1824. Santa Anna’s increasingly ambitious seizure of dictatorial powers under the new constitution was causing unrest throughout Mexico. Hostilities in Texas began with the Battle of Gonzales, October 1, 1835 after which Texan rebels quickly captured Mexican positions at Goliad (La Bahía) and San Antonio.

After the surrender of General Martín Perfecto de Cos and his garrison at San Antonio, there was no longer a Mexican military presence in Texas. Santa Anna decided to launch an offensive to put down the rebellion. Minister of War José María Tornel and Maj. Gen. Vicente Filisola (1789–1850) proposed a seaborne attack to Santa Anna, which would have been easier for the troops. Since 1814, sea access had been the proven means of expeditions into Texas. Santa Anna refused this plan because it would take too long and, in the meantime, the rebels in Texas might receive aid from the United States.

Santa Anna assembled an estimated force of 6,100 soldiers and 20 cannons at San Luis Potosí in early 1836 and moved through Saltillo, Coahuila, towards Texas. His army marched across the Rio Grande through inclemental weather and snowstorms to suppress the rebellion. San Antonio de Béxar was one of his intermediate objectives; his ultimate objective was to destroy the Texas government and to restore rule of the central or «Centralist» Mexican government over a rebellious state. He had already suppressed a rebellion in the state of Zacatecas in 1835.

Santa Anna and his army arrived in San Antonio de Béxar on February 23, a mixed force of regular infantry and cavalry units and activo reserve infantry battalions. They were equipped with British Baker and out-dated, short range but effective and deadly British Tower Musket, Mark III, or «Brown Bess» muskets. The average Mexican soldier stood 5 feet, 1 inch; many were recent conscripts with no previous combat experience. Although well-drilled, the Mexican army discouraged individual marksmanship. Initial forces were equipped with four 7 inch howitzers, seven 4-pound, four 6-pound, four 8-pound, and two 12-pound cannons.

Many Mexican officers were foreign mercenary veterans, including Vicente Filisola (Italy) and Antonio Gaona (Cuba), while General Santa Anna was a veteran of Mexican War of Independence.

Defenders

Lieutenant Colonel William Barret Travis now commanded the Texan regular army forces assigned to defend the old mission. In January 1836 he was ordered by the provisional government to Alamo with volunteers to reinforce the 189 who were already there. Travis arrived in San Antonio on February 3 with 29 reinforcements. He became the post’s official commander, taking over from Col. James C. Neill, who promised to return in 20 days after leaving to tend to a family illness.

Other men also assembled to help in the defensive effort, including a number of unofficial volunteers under the command of Jim Bowie. Bowie, after whom the «Bowie» knife is named, was already famous for his adventures and knife fights. Travis and Bowie often quarreled over issues of command and authority but as Bowie’s health declined, Travis assumed overall command.

At that time, the siege of Alamo was seen as a battle of American settlers against Mexicans but many of the ethnic Mexicans in Texas (called Tejanos) in fact also sided with the rebellion. This struggle was viewed in similar terms as the American Revolution of 1776. These Tejanos wanted Mexico to have a loose central government and supported states rights as expressed in the Mexican Constitution of 1824. One Tejano combatant at Alamo was Captain Juan Nepomuceno Seguín, who was sent out as dispatch rider before the final assault.

Defenders of the Alamo came from many places besides Texas. The youngest was Galba Fuqua, 16; one of the oldest was Gordon C. Jennings, 57. The men came from 28 different countries and states. From Tennessee, a small group of volunteers led by the famous hunter, politician and Indian fighter Davy Crockett accompanied by Micajah Autry, a lawyer. A 12-man «Tennessee Mounted Volunteers» unit arrived at Alamo on February 8. Davy Crocket had resigned from politics having told the electorate that if they did not elect him they could go to hell and he would go to Texas!

The «New Orleans Greys,» came from that city to fight as infantry in the revolution. The two companies comprising Greys had participated in the Siege of Béxar in December. Most Greys then left San Antonio de Béxar for an expedition to Matamoros with the promise of taking the war to Mexico, two dozen remaining at the Alamo.

The abrogation of the Constitution of 1824 was a key trigger for the revolt in general. Many white Anglo-Saxons in Texas had strong sympathies for independence or for union with the United States. Some may have wanted a return to the Old Constitution that had allowed them a large degree of self-determination. When the Texans defeated the Mexican garrison at the Alamo in December of 1835, their flag had the words «Independence» on it. Letters written from Alamo expressed that «all here are for independence.» The famous letter from Travis referred to their «flag of Independence.» Some 25 years after the battle, historian Reuben Potter claimed that reinstatement of the Constitution of 1824 was a primary objective, and Potter’s comments have also been the source of a myth that the battle flag of the Alamo garrison was some sort of Mexican tricolor with «1824» on it.

Another main factor behind the revolt was the fact that Santa Anna had abolished slavery in Mexico. This was a serious setback to many landowners, who now faced financial ruin. Texan independence or joining the Union would allow these people to retain their slaves. As a slave state, Texas would support the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War.

Siege

Lt. Col. William Travis was able to dispatch riders before the battle of March 3 informing the Texas provisional government of his situation and requesting assistance. Sam Houston’s Texas Army was not strong enough to fight through the Mexican Army and relieve the post. The Provisional Texas government was in disarray due to in-fighting among members. Travis sent several riders, including James Bonham (1808–1836), to Colonel James Fannin for help. Fannin (1804–1836), commander of 450 Texas forces at Goliad 100 miles southeast of Alamo, attempted an unorganized relief march with 320 men and cannon February 28 to Alamo, but aborted the relief column due to poor transportation. Most men were slaughtered by a Mexican force after surrendering (the «Goliad Massacre»).

March 1, 32 Texans led by Capt. George Kimbell and John W. Smith from Gonzales, slipped through Mexican lines and joined the defenders inside the Alamo. They were the only response to Travis’ plea for help. The group became known as the «Immortal 32.» A letter written by one of the 32, Isaac Millsaps, details events inside Alamo on the night before the siege.

Final assault

At the end of 12 days the number of Mexican forces attacking was reported as high as 4,000 to 5,000, but only 1,400 to 1,600 soldiers were used in the final assault. Approximately 6,500 soldiers had originally set out from San Luis Potosí, but illness and desertion had reduced the force. The Mexican siege was scientifically and professionally conducted in Napoleonic style. After a 13-day period during which the defenders were tormented with bands blaring at night (including buglers sounding the no-mercy call El Degüello), artillery fire, and an ever closing ring of Mexicans cutting off potential escape routes, Santa Anna planned the final assault for March 6. Santa Anna raised a blood red flag which made his message clear: No mercy would be given for defenders.

Lt. Col. Travis wrote in his final dispatches: «The enemy has demanded a surrender at discretion otherwise the garrison are to be put to the sword, if the fort is taken—I have answered their demand with a cannon shot, & our flag still waves proudly from the walls—I shall never surrender or retreat.»

The Mexican army attacked Alamo in four columns plus reserve and pursuit and security force, starting at 05:30 AM. The first column of 300 to 400 men led by Martín Perfecto de Cos moved towards northwest corner of Alamo. Second 380 men commanded by Col. Francisco Duque. Third column comprised 400 soldiers led by Col. José María Romero. Fourth column comprised 100 cazadores (light infantry) commanded by Col. Juan Morales. The attacking columns had to cover 200 to 300 yards (200 to 300 m) open ground before they could reach Alamo walls. To prevent attempted escape by fleeing Texans or reinforcements entering, Santa Anna placed 350 cavalry under Brig. Gen. Ramírez y Sesma to patrol the surrounding countryside.

Texans pushed back one of the attacking columns but Perfecto de Cos’ column was able to breach Alamo’s weak north wall quickly; the first defenders fell, among them William Barret Travis, who was killed by a shot to the head. The rest of Santa Anna’s columns continued the assault while Perfecto de Cos’s men flooded into the fortress. Alamo’s defenders were spread too thin to adequately defend both the walls and the invading Mexicans. By 6:30 that morning, nearly all Alamo defenders had been slain in brutal hand-to-hand combat. Famous defender Jim Bowie is reported to have been bayoneted and shot to death in his cot. The battle, from initial assault to capture of the Alamo, lasted only an hour. A group of male survivors were executed after the battle, including, it is claimed, Davy Crockett.

Victorious Mexicans released two dozen surviving women and children, Bowie’s slave Sam and Travis’ slave Joe after the battle. Joe spoke of seeing a slave named John killed in the Alamo assault and another black woman killed. Another reported survivor was Brigido Guerrero, Mexican army deserter who had joined the Texan cause. He was able to convince the Mexican soldiers that he had been a prisoner held against his will. Henry Wornell was reportedly able to escape the battle, but died from his wounds three months later.

Casualties

Texan

183 to 250 Texan and Tejano bodies were found at Alamo after the battle; Santa Anna’s official report dictated to his personal secretary Ramón Martínez Caro, stated 600 rebel bodies were found. Historians believe this to be a false claim. All but one were burned by the Mexicans; the sole exception being Gregorio Esparza, who was buried rather than burned because his brother Francisco had served as an activo who had fought under General Perfecto de Cos in Siege of Béxar.

Mexican

Santa Anna reported that he had suffered 70 dead and 300 wounded, while many Texan accounts claim that as many as 1,500 Mexican lives were lost. While many quickly dismiss Santa Anna’s account as being unrealistic, the Texan account of 1,500 dead also lacks logic.

Alamo historians agree that the Mexican attack force consisted of 1,400 — 1,600 men, a count of 1,500 sounds improbable. Commonly acceptable accounts by historians are the ones that place the number of 200 and number of initial Mexican wounded at 400. These losses, (43 percent casualties) would have been considered catastrophic by the Mexican Army.

Texan Independence

Texas declared independence on March 2. The delegates elected David G. Burnet as Provisional President and Lorenzo de Zavala as Vice-President. The men inside the Alamo probably never knew that this event had occurred. Houston still held his rank of supreme military commander. The Texan Army never numbered more than 2,000 men at the time of Alamo siege. Successive losses at Goliad, Refugio, Matamoros and San Antonio de Béxar, reduced the army to 1,000 men.

April 21, at Battle of San Jacinto, Santa Anna’s 1,250-strong force was defeated by Sam Houston’s army of 910 men, who used now-famous battle cry, «Remember the Alamo!» Mexican losses for the day were 650 killed with 600 taken prisoner. Texan losses were nine killed and 18 wounded. Santa Anna was captured the following day, dressed in a common soldier’s jacket, having discarded his finer clothing in hopes of escaping. He issued orders that all Mexican troops under the command of Vicente Filisola (1789–1850) and José de Urrea (1795–1849) were to pull back into Mexico.

Line in the sand

Legend has it that on March 3, 4, or March 5, Lt. Col. Travis drew a line in the sand with his sword inviting all those willing to stay, presumably to die, to cross over the line. Jim Bowie was carried across the line at his request. All but one defender crossed the line. Louis Rose, a French soldier who had fought under Napoleon in Russia before arriving in Texas, slipped out of the Alamo. He evaded Mexican forces by moving at night, then Rose took shelter with the family of William P. Zuber to whom he told the tale of his escape. In 1873, Zuber (his son) published a version of the story, which has not been historically documented. The phrase «drawing a line in the sand» has remained part of English, for taking a stand with no compromise. This account is narrated in Steven Kellerman’s «The Yellow Rose of Texas,» Journal of American Folklore.

Before the war ended, Santa Anna ordered a red flag be raised from San Fernando cathedral indicating to the defenders inside the Alamo that no quarter would be given. According to José Enrique de la Peña’s diary, several defenders who had not been killed in the final assault on Alamo were captured by Col. Castrillón and presented to Santa Anna, who personally ordered their deaths. Davy Crockett may or may not have been one of the six, since this is disputed. De la Peña states that Crockett attempted to negotiate surrender with Santa Anna but was turned down on the grounds of ‘no guarantees for traitors’. There is little evidence to support this. Some believe that Crockett went down struggling to stay alive when he was spotted by Santa Anna’s army after the 12 day struggle.

References

ISBN links support NWE through referral fees

• Borroel, Roger. The Texan Revolution of 1936. East Chicago, IN: La Villita Pbns., 2002. ISBN 192879209X
• Crisp, James E. Sleuthing the Alamo. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 0195163494
• Davis, William C. Lone Star Rising: The Revolutionary Birth of the Texas Republic. New York, NY: Free Press, 2004. ISBN 0684865106
• Dingus, Anne, The Truth About Texas. Houston, TX: Gulf Publishing Company, 1995. ISBN 0877192820
• Hardin, Stephen L. The Alamo 1836. Santa Anna’s Texas Campaign, Osprey Campaign Series #89, Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2001. ISBN 1841760900
• Hardin, Stephen L. Texian Iliad. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1994. ISBN 0292730861
• Lord, Walter. A Time to Stand. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1961. ISBN 0803279027
• Nofi, Albert A. The Alamo and The Texas War for Independence. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 1992. ISBN 0306810409
• Rosenthal, Philip S. Alamo Soldiers: An Armchair Historian’s Guide to the Defenders of the Alamo. A Team Productions, 1989. ISBN 096225570X

External links

All links retrieved January 16, 2022.

• The official page for the Alamo Site includes information on visiting the Alamo and historical background
• Defenders of the Alamo Memorial at Find A Grave
• Remember the Alamo a Primary Source Adventure, with lesson plans for Texas and American history, hosted by the Portal to Texas History.

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The Alamo: 13 Days of Glory

By Lee Paul

February 23, 1836, began the siege of the Alamo, a 13-day moment in history that turned a ruined Spanish mission in the heart of downtown San Antonio, Texas, into a shrine known and revered the world over. But what is it that makes this one battle so different from any other battle fought in the name of freedom? The people involved? Yes, that’s part of it. The issues at hand? Yes, that’s another part. Or can it be that the mysteries, myths and legends surrounding it are still tantalizing minds even today? Yes. Yes. Yes. All of these things have made the battle stand apart and have caused it to be so well remembered throughout the nation 160 years later. Yet, as historian Walter Lord said in 1960, ‘It is…a rash man indeed who claims he has the final answer to everything that happened at the Alamo.

History records three revolutions that led to the Battle of the Alamo. The first, the Spanish revolt against French occupation of Spain, occurred in 1808. Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Spain, and it took six years for Spanish resistance forces to oust the French emperor and restore Ferdinand VII to the throne. The fires of the Spanish revolt crossed the ocean, and in Mexico Father Miguel Hidalgo rang the bells of his small church in Dolores at midnight on September 15, 1810, to herald the beginning of the second revolution. This Mexican revolt against Spanish occupation traveled quickly across Mexico and into the northern frontier of the Mexican territory of Texas. San Antonio de Béxar, the capital of Texas, became a center of revolutionary activity and a haven for resistance fighters. One revolutionary, Captain Jose Menchaca, was captured by Spanish troops, shot and beheaded. His head was then stuck on a pole in front of the Alamo. Instead of setting an example for the other insurgents, however, Menchaca’s execution only added fuel to the revolt.

After an 11-year struggle, Mexico gained its freedom in 1821. Within that same year, Agustin de Iturbide, a Spanish general turned rebel and a hero of the revolution, became emperor of the new nation. But his regime was too extravagant for some tastes, and in no time a revolt led by General Antonio López de Santa Anna brought about Iturbide’s downfall and established a Mexican republic.

Under Iturbide, American colonists had been allowed to settle in Texas. About the only condition to owning land was that all immigrant landowners had to be Catholic, an easy enough problem to overcome for non-Catholics. William Travis, for instance, became Catholic to purchase land, but remained a staunch Methodist until the day he died at the Alamo.

Unfortunately, the fledgling Republic of Mexico was born bankrupt and ill-prepared for self-government. In fact, during its first 15 years of independence, it had 13 presidents. All of them struggled for power, shifting between the liberal-leaning Federalists and the dictatorial Centralists. The first president was a Federalist, General Guadalupe Victoria, a hero of the revolution who had changed his name from Miguel Felix Hernandez to honor Our Lady of Guadalupe, patroness of the Americas, for his victory. It was he who established the liberal Constitution of 1824 that so infuriated Santa Anna and that would lead to the Battle of the Alamo 12 years later.

It was also during this tumultuous struggle for control of Mexico’s presidency that the northern territory of Texas was mostly neglected. When Mexico redefined its territories in 1824, Texas was the only separate territory to lose its independence. It was joined to Coahuila and the capital was moved from San Antonio de Béxar to Saltillo. Armed citizens gathered in protest. In September 1835, they petitioned for statehood separate from Coahuila. They wrote out their needs and their complaints in The Declaration of Causes. This document was designed to convince the Federalists that the Texans desired only to preserve the 1824 Constitution, which guaranteed the rights of everyone living on Mexican soil. But by this time, Santa Anna was in power, having seized control in 1833, and he advocated the removal of all foreigners. His answer was to send his crack troops, commanded by his brother-in-law, General Martín Perfecto de Cós, to San Antonio to disarm the Texans.

October 1835 found San Antonio de Béxar under military rule, with 1,200 Mexican troops under General Cós’ command. When Cós ordered the small community of Gonzales, about 50 miles east of San Antonio, to return a cannon loaned to the town for defense against Indian attack–rightfully fearing that the citizens might use the cannon against his own troops–the Gonzales residents refused. Come and take it! they taunted, setting off a charge of old chains and scrap iron, shot from the mouth of the tiny cannon mounted on ox-cart wheels. Although the only casualty was one Mexican soldier, Gonzales became enshrined in history as the Lexington of Texas. The Texas Revolution was on.

On December 5, 200 Texan volunteers commanded by Ben Milam attacked Cós’ troops in San Antonio de Béxar, which was about 400 yards from the Alamo compound. The fighting in Béxar raged with a house-to-house assault unlike anything the Mexican army had ever before experienced. Cós finally flew the white flag of surrender from the Alamo on December 9. More than 200 of his men lay dead, and as many more were wounded. He signed papers of capitulation, giving the Texans all public property, money, arms and ammunition in San Antonio, and by Christmas Day, the Mexican army was back across the Rio Grande. To the Texans, who lost about 20 men, including Ben Milam, the victory seemed cheap and easy.

The siege of Béxar and Cós’ surrender brought immediate retaliation from Santa Anna. He whipped together a force of 8,000 men, many of them foreign adventurers from Europe and America. One of his deadliest snipers was an Illinois man named Johnson! Santa Anna, the self-styled Napoleon of the West, marched at the head of the massive army; he was determined to stamp out all opposition and teach the Texans a lesson. The word went out to his generals: In this war, you understand, there are no prisoners.

Although it was midwinter, Santa Anna pushed his army mercilessly toward Texas. The frigid, wind-battered deserts of northern Mexico took their toll. Men and animals died by the hundreds and were left on the trail, and the brigades strung out for uncounted miles. When the big siege guns bogged down in one of the many quagmires, Santa Anna pushed on without them. Nothing would stop him. Meanwhile, after the defeated Mexican force under General Cós had left San Antonio, Colonel James C. Neill had assumed command of the Alamo garrison, which consisted of about 80 poorly equipped men in several small companies, including the volunteers. The rest of the soldiers had returned home to their families and farm chores. In this command were an artillery company under Captain William R. Carey known as the Invincibles, two small infantry companies known as the New Orleans Greys under Captain William Blazeby, and the Béxar Guards under Captain Robert White.

On January 17, 1836, Sam Houston, the commander of the revolutionary troops, sent Colonel Jim Bowie and 25 men to San Antonio with orders to destroy the Alamo fortifications and retire eastward with the artillery. But Bowie and Neill agreed that it would be impossible to remove the 24 captured cannons without oxen, mules or horses. And they deemed it foolhardy to abandon that much firepower–by far the most concentrated at any location during the Texas Revolution. Bowie also had a keen eye for logistics, terrain, and avenues of assault. Knowing that General Houston needed time to raise a sizable army to repel Santa Anna, Bowie set about reinforcing the Alamo after Neill was forced to leave because of sickness in his family.

Colonel William Travis arrived in San Antonio on February 2 with a small cavalry company, bringing the total number of Alamo defenders to about 130. Although spies told him that Santa Anna had crossed the Rio Grande, Travis did not expect the dictator before early spring. He sent letter after letter, pleading for supplies and more men. He and Bowie also competed for command of the garrison before it was decided that Bowie would command the volunteers and Travis the regular army. On February 9, David Crockett and the 14 other Tennessee Mounted Volunteers (only three were actually from Tennessee) rode into San Antonio. Alarmed by the Mexican army on the outskirts of town, Travis vigorously renewed his pleas for help. His February 24 letter, To the People of Texas and All Americans in the World….I shall never surrender or retreat….Victory or Death! is considered one of the most heart-wrenching pleas ever written. Travis sent the message out with Captain Albert Martin.

The day before, February 23, Santa Anna had reclaimed San Antonio. To the triumphant music of a military band, he took possession of the town, set up headquarters on the main plaza, and began the siege. He had his standard-bearers climb to the top of the bell tower of San Fernando Church and unfurl the scarlet flag of no quarter. Inside the Alamo, Travis and the Texans fired their message to Santa Anna with a blast from their 18-pounder. They had their music, too, with Davy Crockett’s fiddle and John McGregor’s bagpipes. In fact, Davy’s fiddle-playing and outlandish storytelling kept up the spirits of the besieged defenders.

Santa Anna ordered his men to pound the fortifications with cannon and rifle fire for 12 days and nights. His idea was to wear out the defenders inside, giving them no chance for rest or sleep. He reasoned that a weary army would be an easy one to defeat. But the noise worked on his own army, too. Unable to hear clearly through the din, they allowed courier after courier to escape from the Alamo. On March 2, racing through the enemy’s lines, the last group to reinforce the Alamo arrived. These men were the relief force from Gonzales, the only town to answer Travis’ pleas to send help. The total number of Alamo defenders now stood at between 180 and 190.

At 4 o’clock on the morning of March 6, 1836, Santa Anna advanced his men to within 200 yards of the Alamo’s walls. Just as dawn was breaking, the Mexican bloodcurdling bugle call of the Deguello echoed the meaning of the scarlet flag above San Fernando: no quarter. It was Captain Juan Seguin’s Tejanos, the native-born Mexicans fighting in the Texan army, who interpreted the chilling music for the other defenders.

Santa Anna’s first charge was repulsed, as was the second, by the deadly fire of Travis’ artillery. At the third charge, one Mexican column attacked near a breach in the north wall, another in the area of the chapel, and a third, the Toluca Battalion, commenced to scale the walls. All suffered severely. Out of 800 men in the Toluca Battalion, only 130 were left alive. Fighting was hand to hand with knives, pistols, clubbed rifles, lances, pikes, knees and fists. The dead lay everywhere. Blood spilled in the convent, the barracks, the entrance to the church, and finally in the rubble-strewn church interior itself. Ninety minutes after it began, it was over.

All the Texans died. Santa Anna’s loss was 1,544 men. More than 500 Mexicans lay wounded, their groans mingling with the haunting strains of the distant bugle calls. Santa Anna airily dismissed the Alamo conquest as a small affair, but one of his officers commented, Another such victory will ruin us.

As many of the Mexican dead as possible were given the rites of the church and buried, but there were so many that there was not sufficient room in the cemetery. Santa Anna ordered all the bodies of the Texans to be contemptuously stacked like cord wood in three heaps, mixed with fuel, wood and dry branches from the neighboring forest, and set on fire–except one. Jose Gregorio Esparza was given a Christian burial because his brother Francisco was a member of General Cós’ presidio guards.

Six weeks after the Alamo, while the Mexican wounded still languished in San Antonio, Santa Anna met his Waterloo at San Jacinto. The men who died inside the walls of the Alamo had bought with their lives the time needed for General Sam Houston to weld a force that won Texas its independence. The great sacrifice would not be forgotten by history, nor would the Alamo’s many legends and stories, most of which can never be proved or disproved because all the defenders died.

One of the most enduring questions is whether Travis really did draw a line in the earth, the grand canyon of Texas, and ask all to step over who were willing to die for the cause. It is probably based on fact. Travis anticipated a battle to the death. Since he was also one for fairness, it’s logical to believe that he would give the men an opportunity to leave the ill-fated garrison. It is a fact that one man did leave. Louis Rose was from France, and he had already served in one bloody war as a noncommissioned officer in Napoleon Bonaparte’s army. Before the final assault on the Alamo he left, sustaining many leg wounds from cactuses and thorns during his escape that plagued him the remainder of his life. Asked why he chose not to stay with the rest, he replied, By God, I wasn’t ready to die. It is Rose’s tale of the line in the dust that has become legend.

Two of Santa Anna’s earliest opponents were Erasmo Seguin and his son Juan, of San Antonio. In fact, it was Juan who became one of the staunchest fighters for Texas freedom, forming his own band of Tejanos to stand alongside his Anglo counterparts. Juan Seguin was on a courier mission for Travis when the Alamo fell, but he vowed to one day honor the Alamo dead in a church ceremony, a ceremony that had been denied by Santa Anna. Legend claims that Seguin collected the ashes and placed them in a casket covered with black. Inside the lid, he had the names of Travis, Bowie and Crockett engraved. He then buried the casket. Where? No one knows. Shortly before his death, when he was in his 80s, Juan Seguin stated that he had buried the casket outside the sanctuary railing, near the steps in the old San Fernando Church. In 1936, repair work on the altar railing of the cathedral led to the unearthing of a box containing charred bones, rusty nails, shreds of uniforms and buttons, particles of coal, and crushed skulls. From that discovery arose a controversy that continues to this day. Are they the bones of the Alamo defenders? Many believe yes, but since the defenders did not wear uniforms, many others think not.

Questions also still remain about the death of David Crockett, who, without doubt, was the most famous defender of the siege. Shortly after the capture of Santa Anna at the Battle of San Jacinto, rumors began to circulate that 49-year-old Crockett had not died alongside his men in the final moments of the Alamo. Conflicting testimony claimed that Crockett and a handful of others–including Lieutenant James Butler Bonham, who rode back into the Alamo on March 3 knowing full well that it was a death trap–survived the siege, only to be destroyed on the orders of an enraged Santa Anna a few minutes later. True…or not? No one may ever really know. But most people prefer to believe that Crockett died a heroic death inside the Alamo.

Davy Crockett was a national folk hero long before the events of the Alamo. Born August 17, 1786, in an East Tennessee wilderness cabin in what is now Greene County, he struck out on his own at the tender age of 12 to help drive a herd of cattle to Virginia. By 1813, he was serving as one of General Andrew Jackson’s scouts in the Creek War. He apparently did not enjoy fighting Indians and returned home as soon as his 90-day enlistment was up. In 1821, he was elected to the Tennessee Legislature for the first time, representing a district of 11 western counties in the state. He later served two terms in the United States Congress.

Crockett was always one for adventure. When defeated at the polls for a third term in Congress in 1835, he turned in typical Crockett fashion to the cause of Texan freedom as a way to completely cut off one phase of his life and begin another. Before leaving for Texas, however, he gave his constituents one last speech. He concluded …by telling them that I was done with politics for the present, and that they might all go to hell, and I would go to Texas. After arriving in San Antonio in early February 1836, Crockett and the other Tennessee Mounted Volunteers eventually retreated into the Alamo.

The old fortress spread over three acres as it surrounded a rough rectangle of bare ground, about the size of a gigantic city block, called the plaza. On the south side of this plaza and detached from the church by a distance of some 10 feet was a long one-story building called the low barracks. Adobe huts spread along the west side, which was protected by a 12-foot-high stone wall. A similar wall ran across the north side. A two-story building called the long barracks/convent/hospital covered the east side, along with the church, which sat in the southeast corner, facing west.

Crockett and his men defended a low wooden palisade erected to breach the gap between the church and the low barracks of the south wall. The position of the low barracks was in front of, and perpendicular to, the right side of the church–an area that is now covered in flagstone. This palisade consisted of two rows of pointed wooden stakes with rocks and earth between the rows. All combatants considered the position to be the most vulnerable and hardest to defend area of the fortress. But Crockett and the other Tennesseans were expert marksmen, the best the small Texan army had. They most likely held their position until death.

As news of Crockett’s death swept across America, some stories portrayed him as standing in the thickest of the fighting, using his trusty flintlock rifle Old Betsy like a club, until being cut down by Mexican bayonets and bullets. Well…maybe that’s the way it really happened. Then again…maybe not.

Minutes after the fighting ceased, Santa Anna instructed Alcalde Francisco Ruiz to identify the bodies of the dead Texans, especially those of the leaders. According to the alcalde, Toward the west and in a small fort opposite the city, we found the body of Colonel Crockett…and we may infer that he either commanded that point or was stationed there as a sharpshooter. The only logical explanation is that the small courtyard bounded by the palisade on the south, the church on the east and the hospital on the north, where Crockett and the Tennesseans were stationed, was considered a small fort all its own.

But one month later, the imprisoned General Cós told Dr. George Patrick that Davy Crockett had survived the battle. According to Cós, Crockett had locked himself in one of the rooms of the barracks. When the Mexican soldiers discovered him, Crockett explained that he was on a visit and had accidentally got caught in the Alamo after it was too late to escape. Cós further said that Crockett wanted him to intercede with Santa Anna, asking for mercy, which Cós agreed to do–only Santa Anna had ordered no quarter and was incensed at such a request. The Mexican leader refused to spare Crockett’s life.

In 1878, writer Josephus Conn Guild offered a similar version in which Crockett and five others survived the siege. When overrun by the Mexican soldiers, the Alamo survivors surrendered to General Manuel Castrillón under promise of his protection, …but being taken before Santa Anna, they were by his orders instantly put to death. Colonel Crockett fell with a dozen swords sheathed in his breast. Actually, much of the same story had appeared as far back as 1836, when the diary of Lt. Col. José Enrique de la Peña was published in Mexico City. When the diary was finally published in English in the 1970s, it stirred up those Americans who felt the heroic Crockett never would have surrendered.

Another account, from Mexican Sergeant Felix Nunez, related details of the death of a Texan on the palisade: He was a tall American of rather dark complexion and had a long buckskin coat and a round cap without any bill, made of fox skin with the long tail hanging down his back. This man apparently had a charmed life. Of the many soldiers who took deliberate aim at him and fired, not one ever hit him. On the contrary, he never missed a shot. He may not have been describing Davy Crockett, but who else dressed in that fashion?

Susanna Dickinson (sometimes spelled Dickerson), one of the noncombatant survivors of the battle, stated in her memoirs that she saw Crockett and a handful of others lying mangled and mutilated between the church and the two-story barrack building, and even remembered seeing his peculiar cap laying by his side, as she was led from the scene by a Mexican officer. Perhaps she had seen Crockett after his execution, which supposedly occurred near the front of the church. But some people just won’t buy a capture-execution scenario. And perhaps Reuben Marmaduke Potter had it right all along when he wrote, David Crockett never surrendered to bear or tiger, Indian or Mexican.

There is also a controversial story about the Alamo’s secondmost legendary figure. That story, which has never been proved one way or the other, says that Bowie was the last to die in the fighting at the Alamo.

Jim Bowie, whose exploits made his name familiar in almost every American home during his lifetime, was born about 1796 (in either Tennessee, Kentucky, or Georgia–sources vary). When Jim was in his teens, the family settled at Bayou Boeuf, Rapides Parish, La., where he later operated a sugar plantation with his brother Rezin. It was his involvement with the pirate Jean Lafitte in the slave trade, though, that earned him a measure of notoriety. In September 1827, he killed a man with his huge knife during a brawl on a Mississippi sandbar just above Natchez. It was the Vidalia sandbar fight that firmly established him as a legendary fighter throughout the South.

Bowie left for Texas in 1828 to settle in San Antonio de Béxar, where his land dealings made him modestly wealthy almost overnight. Bowie also became a Mexican citizen and married into the Mexican aristocracy, which, more than anything else, gained him the friendship, confidence and support of the Mexican population. By 1831, he was fluent in Spanish.

Since he had been a colonel in a Texas Ranger company in 1830, he carried this title and authority when he answered the call for Texan volunteers. The 40-year-old frontiersman and Indian fighter was described as a normally calm, mild man until his temper was aroused. Absolutely fearless, he gave orders to the volunteers at the Alamo while 26-year-old Colonel Travis, a disciplinarian, took charge of the regulars and cavalry. The difference in their personalities, coupled with the difference in their ages, resulted in the two men sharing a somewhat antagonistic competition for command of the entire garrison. On one point they did agree: The Alamo was the most important stronghold of Texas.

Sometime around February 21, 1836, Bowie decided to help construct a lookout post or gun garrison along one of the walls. Although there are conflicting opinions on what actually happened, most accounts think that he lost his balance on the scaffold and fell 8 feet to the ground, breaking either his hip or his leg. This incident has also been called hogwash by other historians, who claim that Bowie never suffered any accident while at the Alamo. Whether or not he also suffered from tuberculosis, diphtheria, or the dreaded typhoid pneumonia is also a matter of conjecture. In any event, Bowie’s incapacitation left Travis with full authority from that point onward.

Bowie took to his sick bed in the low barracks on or about the second day of the siege, and there’s little doubt that he would have succumbed to his illness in a matter of days had not the Mexican soldiers dispatched him when they did.

On the final day of the 13-day siege, legend claims that it was Crockett who stole into Bowie’s room and gave the sick man two pistols to be used for defense. Most accounts agree that Bowie was found dead on his cot, but since his nurse, Madame Candelaria, never told the exact same story twice about the sequence of events, who really knows what happened that day? Bowie probably participated in the battle, dying in the fall of the Alamo with the other defenders. But was he the last to fall? Everyone agrees that the last position to fall was the church, and Bowie wasn’t even close to the church. As the Mexican soldiers stormed over the walls of the compound, the defenders raced to the long barracks, where there was no exit, and to the church. None of them ferried a sick man on a cot.

Still, the Mexican soldiers could have taken pity on Bowie when they saw him more dead than alive, prostrate on his cot in his room in the low barracks. In fact, an odd report claims that as the funeral pyres blazed high and soldiers heaped dead Texans on the pile, some soldiers carried out a man on a cot, a man the captain of the detail identified as no other than the infamous Bowie. Although the man was still alive, Santa Anna ordered him thrown into the fire along with the rest. Would Santa Anna be so cruel? Yes, especially if the man were a Mexican citizen fighting in the Texan army.

Although the fact remains that no one knows why some 188 men chose to die on the plains of Texas in a ruined Spanish mission that required at least 1,200 men to adequately defend all its acreage, their sacrifice brought Texas independence, which paved the way for expansion to the Pacific and added more than a million square miles to the American nation at that time. And because of their sacrifice, the Alamo is now a shrine respected and revered throughout the world. Remember the Alamo became the battle cry that broke Santa Anna’s back.

This article was written by Lee Paul and originally appeared in the February 1996 issue of Wild West. For more great articles be sure to subscribe to Wild West magazine today!